“... was shortlisted for the prestigious Wattie Awards and now it has won another prize and Norman St John Stevas says it ‘breaks new ground’ and represents ‘an advance in ...”
“... has to have 41. The two old parties, even now, are but a whisker away. The new one is not. John Curtice thinks that the next Parliament could have about 305 Labour MPs, 151 Tories and 168 from the Alliance. ‘The capitalist vote,’ Brian Walden inferred on his Weekend World, ‘will be divided. Labour will form the next government.’ He was not ...”
Literature and Popular Culture in 18th-Century England by Pat Rogers. Harvester, 215 pp., £22.50, April 1985, 0 7108 0981 6Show More
Eighteenth-Century Encounters: Studies in Literature and Society in the Age of Walpole by Pat Rogers. Harvester, 173 pp., £22.50, April 1985, 0 7108 0986 7Show More
Order from Confusion Sprung: Studies in 18th-Century Literature from Swift to Cowper by Claude Rawson. Allen and Unwin, 431 pp., £30, August 1985, 0 04 800019 1Show More
“... When he refers to Heidegger, he doesn’t mean the philosopher but the operatic impresario John James Heidegger (c.1665-1749). In Literature and Popular Culture in 18th-Century England, as in his Grub Street (1972) and its abridged version Hacks and Dunces (1980), he proposes to describe ‘how things were’ or how they seemed to be to the people who ...”
“... to that of an analyst to his patients: cultivated negative capability. But negative capability, as John Bayley has frequently pointed out, cannot, by definition, be cultivated. Absence consciously striven for becomes conspicuous. A Late Divorce has no controlling narrator, but Yehoshua is present on every page of it: as the man performing the vanishing ...”
“... Johnston, William McGrath, Carl Schorske, Allan Janik, Stephen Toulmin, Andrew Whiteside and John Boyer testify.* There are a number of plausible reasons for this. The first and most obvious is the great diaspora of Central European scholars brought about by the rise of Nazism in the 1930s – though some intellectuals, like Wittgenstein and ...”
Ascendancy and Tradition in Anglo-Irish Literary History from 1789 to 1939 by W.J. McCormack. Oxford, 423 pp., £27.50, June 1985, 0 19 812806 1Show More
“... to ‘a monkey house at feeding time’. It was in the same year, 1951, Deane tells us, that John Montague, also writing in The Bell, called for an end to the apathy which seemed the predominant feeling about cultural matters, and at the same time ‘demanded of his generation that it reflect Catholicism as a living force in Irish life’. His ...”
The Audit of War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation by Correlli Barnett. Macmillan, 359 pp., £14.95, March 1986, 0 333 35376 5Show More
The Great War and the British People by J.M. Winter. Macmillan, 360 pp., £25, February 1986, 0 333 26582 3Show More
“... States do little to modify the teutonic feel of the book. Barnett is, in fact, the heir of Sir John Seeley, the Late Victorian prophet of a federal British Empire, whose admiration for Prussia led him to the conviction that Britain must develop along the same lines or perish as a great power. The failure of Britain to adopt the German model of a ...”
“... than a gentleman (one of his favourite distinctions), a competent professional of modern spirit. John Kennedy was already dead, but the New Frontier spirit seemed to be alive in the Britain of 1964, and Harold Wilson to exemplify it. We believed him, or some of us did, when he said that he would get Britain going again, bring in new people, harness new ...”
“... of Tennyson’s rhyme of ‘abysm’ with ‘Zolaism’. The first page of the introduction to John Montague’s Faber Book of Irish Verse moves at once from saying that ‘the true condition of Irish poetry in the 19th century’ is ‘mutilation’, to ‘Loss is Mangan’s only theme,’ this sentence then speaking of castration in a way which is grimly ...”
“... They didn’t have the partinost, or ‘party spirit’, of friends like James Klugman or John Cornford. To put it crudely, the CP in Britain was beneath them. They were unwilling in the end to leave the Establishment, and became prominent figures in the BBC, the Foreign Office, Intelligence and so forth – just as they were destined to. Except that ...”
“... elected governments can be defeated, or even overthrown, by extra-parliamentary producer groups. John Stuart Mill’s conception of representative government has not lost its inspirational force, but the participatory, libertarian values underlying it run counter to the ethos of the modern centralist state, and the questions it raises are subversive, not ...”
English Journey by J.B. Priestley. Heinemann, 320 pp., £12.95, March 1984, 0 434 60371 6Show More
English Journey, or The Road to Milton Keynes by Beryl Bainbridge. Duckworth/BBC, 158 pp., £7.95, March 1984, 0 563 20299 8Show More
Crisis and Conservation: Conflict in the British Countryside by Charlie Pye-Smith and Chris Rose. Penguin, 213 pp., £3.95, March 1984, 0 14 022437 8Show More
Invisible Country: A Journey through Scotland by James Campbell. Weidenfeld, 164 pp., £8.95, April 1984, 0 297 78371 8Show More
Literary Britain by Bill Brandt. Victoria and Albert Museum in association with Hurtwood Press, 184 pp., £8.95, March 1984, 0 905209 66 4Show More
“... pack up and go home. She will like the illustrated edition of Priestley’s English Journey. John Hadfield, the picture editor, has found photographs – some taken by people like Humphrey Spender and Bill Brandt who went to the North because they had read Priestley’s book – which illustrate the text with astonishing exactness. Yet the photographs of ...”
“... none of that, and it is very bad (differently bad) if this is because they pinioned his arms. John Ruskin wrote to Charles Eliot Norton: ‘So, I know perfectly well that you would work for five years, to write a nice life of me; but I don’t care about having my life written, and I know that no one can write a nice life of me, for my life has not been ...”
“... real, and not necessarily especially ‘moderate’, if that is taken to mean weak. For instance, John Passmore’s Man’s Responsibility for Nature puts forward a spread of alternatives, all of which call for quite drastic action. But it is moderate in that it always gives its reasons, treats opponents honestly and respectfully, strongly objects to ...”
“... and a Parliament no more than a necessary rubber stamp to confirm its conclusions. To a man like John Selden, on the other hand, the notion of a ‘representative kirk’ could do little more than make him cry ‘Praemunire’: to the English, whether Presbyterian or not, the Scottish notion of a General Assembly appeared an entirely unwarrantable ...”
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