Vol. 28 No. 10 · 25 May 2006
pages 13-14 | 3449 words

Be mean and nasty
Jenny Diski
- Nothing like a Dame: The Scandals of Shirley Porter by Andrew Hosken
Granta, 372 pp, £20.00, March 2006, ISBN 1 86207 809 2
What is the only place in England the joke went, where you can buy three cemeteries and a pint of beer and still have change from a pound? Answer: the London Borough of Westminster. Boom boom. This makes the price of a pint of beer in 1986 slightly less than 85p. The cemeteries, in Hanwell, East Finchley and Mill Hill, whose upkeep was the responsibility of the Highways and Works Committee of Westminster City Council, were sold by the council for 5p each. Aside from thousands of dead bodies, they included three lodge houses, a plant nursery suitable for housing development, 12 acres of grazing land equally suitable for building on, a foreman’s flat and a car park. To be fair, these extra features were not part of the 15p price for the three cemeteries: they cost another 65p in total. The cemeteries themselves were not great assets – indeed, the cost of their upkeep (£400,000 a year) was what prompted the sale in the first place – but they did contain among many others the interred remains of Billy Fury; a thousand Dutch servicemen killed in the war; PC Keith Blakelock, who had died in the Broadwater Farm riot the previous year; a former Tory chancellor of the exchequer, Austen Chamberlain; and Mrs Eileen Sheppard’s husband, Harold, who had been buried there at a cost of £1200 22 months earlier. When the grass began to grow wild and the headstones to crack and topple as a result of neglect by the new owners, more than eight hundred distraught relatives marched on City Hall, and the newspapers had a field day. The leader of Westminster City Council stood firm at first, telling the relatives that they were ‘peddling cheap emotions for the cameras’, but eventually agreed to buy the cemeteries back when the bad publicity refused to go away. It took five years for them to be retrieved: they were bought back for 15p in 1992. However, the development land, the properties and a crematorium have remained in private hands. The affair had cost the residents of Westminster £4.25 million. Less, I suppose, the interest on 15p.
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Letters
Vol. 28 No. 11 · 8 June 2006
From Christian Wolmar
Jenny Diski is mistaken in suggesting that Labour opposition councillors played no part in the exposure of Shirley Porter and her crooked entourage in Westminster Council (LRB, 25 May). Quite the contrary. A talented and articulate group of councillors, including several who went on to sit in Parliament, made her life hell and ultimately exposed her. One, Neale Coleman, now an adviser to Ken Livingstone, cottoned on very early to the fact that the policy of ‘Building Stable Communities’ was a fig-leaf for a massive gerrymandering exercise, and he worked tirelessly to obtain proof. The Labour councillors were also backed by a very active party, which was able to call on a wide group of activists to demonstrate and campaign against Porter. Not only did the Labour group play a crucial role in bringing Porter’s misdeeds to public attention through regular briefings and leaks to the press; they were also instrumental in her demise by referring the matter to the district auditor and ensuring that it was not quietly forgotten once Porter had departed.
Christian Wolmar
London N7
From Paul Dimoldenberg
Jenny Diski asserts that ‘somehow the opposition Labour Party failed to find out what was going on, or to get to grips with the scale of it.’ In July 1987 we fought hammer and tongs to stop the Designated Sales plans that led to the sale of council flats in marginal wards. In July 1988, having seen leaked documents proving conclusively that the council was acting unlawfully, I wrote to the district auditor to urge him to mount a full-scale investigation into Porter’s gerrymandering. Unbelievably, the district auditor took no action for a full year until July 1989, when we gave all the information to the BBC, and Panorama exposed the depths of the illegal activity and forced the authorities to take action against the council.
In addition, from March 1987 to April 1988, the council’s managing director regularly and intentionally misled Labour councillors when we asked him to explain why council resources were being unlawfully concentrated in the marginal wards. In the words of Lord Bingham following the House of Lords judgment in December 2001, ‘there were deliberate attempts by officers to conceal the system … by giving deliberately misleading answers to proper questions from members of the minority party on the council.’
And without Labour’s unwavering and long-term commitment to recovering the £42 million surcharge imposed on Porter, the council would never have seen a penny piece of what she owed.
Paul Dimoldenberg
City Hall SW1