
Paul Foot died in July 2004. He wrote 60 pieces for the LRB – on subjects including Leon Britain, the Birmingham Six, MI5, Tiny Rowland, Neil Hamilton, Gordon Brown and (often) Shelley.
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Vol. 18 No. 20 · 17 October 1996
pages 10-11 | 3909 words

‘I will embarrass you now by saying that I always thought you should be Chancellor of the Exchequer’
Paul Foot
- Sleaze: Politicians, Private Interests and Public Reaction edited by F.F. Ridley and Alan Doig
Oxford, 222 pp, £10.99, April 1996, ISBN 0 19 922273 8
- Changing Trains: The Autobiography of Steven Norris
Hutchinson, 273 pp, £16.99, October 1996, ISBN 0 09 180212 1
- The Quango Debate edited by F.F. Ridley and David Wilson
Oxford, 188 pp, £10.99, September 1995, ISBN 0 19 922238 X
The abject surrender of Neil Hamilton, the ‘envelope man’ who changed the law so that he could sue the Guardian for libel, deprived the nation of an exhilarating and informative court case. When the Guardian alleged that Hamilton, Tory MP for Tatton, had taken money from Mohammed AI Fayed, chairman of Harrods to lobby Parliament against a Department of Trade inquiry which eventually denounced Fayed as a liar, the cocky MP announced that he was at last going to get even with the liberal press. He sued for libel, but the case ran into the sand because any allegation in court of corruption against an MP is technically a breach of Parliamentary privilege. Hamilton untied that knot at once. Supported by Lady Thatcher, Lord Archer and the entire Parliamentary Tory Party, he conspired to force through Parliament an amendment to the Defamation Act which allows MPs to waive their privilege in order to sue for libel. Backed by his new law, Hamilton charged back into court and, a few months later, hit more solid buffers: the facts. The Guardian insisted on discovery of all relevant documents from the Government and the Tory Party. A huge flow of paper about Hamilton and his paymaster/co-plaintiff, the lobbyist Ian Greer, emerged for the first time. The decisive revelation was a tape-recorded conversation between Hamilton and the First Secretary to the Treasury, Michael Heseltine, in which Hamilton denied any ‘financial relationship’ with Ian Greer. Greer knew he had paid, and realised his fellow plaintive would be exposed in court as a liar. He told Hamilton he wanted to fight the case separately, with a new set of lawyers. The unity of the plaintiffs was broken, and the towel, plus a £15,000 contribution to the Guardian’s costs, was thrown sullenly into the ring.
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Letters
Vol. 18 No. 22 · 14 November 1996
From Christopher Price
I was left with a feeling of dissatisfaction at the end of Paul Foot’s sleaze diatribe (LRB, 17 October). The phenomenon which he describes is worldwide. Quangos certainly need to be more open about what they spend our money on, how much they pay their managers and the extent to which they stick to the rules. But I would have liked a bit more about solutions. For there are no obvious ones. More regulation is expensive and we are short of individuals who know how to regulate the regulators. The anti-quango and anti-bureaucrat rhetoric which emanated from Blackpool in October misunderstands the problem. Technology is transforming all organisations, public and private, and more ‘managers’ are probably necessary to cope with the changes it brings. Re-introducing the unmanaged quangos of yesteryear, like the ‘old’ universities, is just nostalgia; as is much talk of the ‘democratic deficit’. Modern Western democracy has been working badly for some time and the sleaze record of democrats is not much better than that of fat cats. As Paul Foot reminds us, Poulson was bribing MPs, senior civil servants and a range of both local councillors and municipal bureaucrats for years before he was found out; since then the difficulties of Parliament and government with self-regulation have grown exponentially. It is because no party has yet properly grappled with the problem of managing the modern state that political leaders are now reduced to preaching sermons. In the longer term, the solution may well lie in less Thatcherite managerial values, a new public-service ethic and a more honest citizenry. For the moment I suspect we shall have to rely on the one shining light Foot offers us: the disinterested, eleemosynary and private patronage of the late Peter Cook, which enabled Private Eye to be founded and still enables our public hypocrisies to be exposed and ridiculed.
Christopher Price
London SE21